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First Minister will speak to you ladies and gentlemen.

I am truly delighted at your first official visit, taking you here to the German MOD.

The last few months have been marked by so many occasions for exchange and consultation here at the Bendlabloc in this building for the Group of Five meeting,

you took an active part and of course as well on the occasion of the last meeting of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group.

Today we exchanged on the topical questions,

including the financial military support to Ukraine, the security guarantees.

For Ukraine, after a potential ceasefire, and of course we also briefly discussed the Arctic.

That being said,

you will not be surprised that Germany will continue to assume its responsibility in these fields.

Regarding Ukraine, Russia is still massively attacking Ukraine from the air.

Each and every night, Ukraine's energy supply is as poor as never before and during these icy winter times,

Putin deliberately targets the energy infrastructure, terrorizing the Ukrainian civilian population.

This is happening while we are negotiating about what will happen after a potential ceasefire, which, however, is not in sight,

but still it is right to talk about all these things, to negotiate and to find ways for that day.

But while we are doing this, Putin continues bombarding Ukraine, making headway. This illustrates his profound contempt for mankind.

Let us not overlook this, despite all the negotiations that are going on without him, and he expressed himself very clearly about them,

even down to saying that all the Western troops in Ukraine would become a legitimate target.

For us, one thing is true Berlin is not letting Kiev down, and in this year we are making available EUR 11.5 billion,

and one focal point, logically speaking, in the face of the situation in Ukraine is, of course, air defense.

Mr President,

the truth is that the many bilateral agreements will not suffice at the end of the day.

Ukraine in 2026 will need around EUR $60 billion in support coming from its partners in order to be able to defend itself.

This is why I welcome the consensus at the European Council in December and very explicitly so.

When it comes to the EUR 90 billion that will be made available in the years 2026 and 2027,

with these loans we can effectively support Ukraine.

But in order for this to be efficient and effective and for every euro having a major impact,

it is all about.

Closely linking up Ukrainian and European defense industries.

This is of utmost importance, and as far as Germany is concerned, we have gained great experience with that because, for one,

the material will make its way to where it is needed faster, and, on the other hand,

Germany and its companies can learn from the experience made by Ukraine on the battlefield. Regarding security guarantees.

As I pointed out, a ceasefire is not in sight for one simple reason Vladimir Putin does not want any peace, but still,

and this is the right thing and the necessary thing to do,

we are getting prepared for the day on which a potential ceasefire could become a reality. We want to be prepared.

This is why at the moment we are looking into potential contributions to securing a ceasefire.

Aiming at reaching a reliable and sustainable guarantee.

This includes, among other things, training and strengthening of Ukrainian armed forces.

It is about safe air, safety, and many other things, but what is decisive in all of what we are doing is that in parallel,

we will comply with our NATO obligations, and this is why.

The coalition of the willing developed a framework as to how the security guarantees can look,

of course, in close coordination with NATO.

Now regarding Greenland and the Arctic, of course we address this point as well,

and we are well aware that Russia's hegemonial claims will not stop in Ukraine or the eastern flank of NATO. Russia is re-militarizing.

The Arctic for more than 2 or 3 years, and it is quite straightforward that we have to secure the routes in the north,

and this is why we concluded a maritime security partnership with Norway, Denmark and Canada more than a year ago.

This is about recognizing that the Security of the northern Atlantic, including Iceland, is of utmost importance.

I traveled to Iceland in October and Canada, so it is about including Iceland.

Iceland plays an important geopolitical role at this point, and it is all about pooling forces with other partners,

NATO partners and neighboring states of the North Atlantic.

Being aware of our North Atlantic Defense Organization assuming our responsibility for the Arctic, Greenland and the geo gap providing access to the North Atlantic,

and this is the route that submarines of our powers could use to divide.

The US from Europe and the other way around.

So these maritime routes are of utmost importance, and this is why Greenland plays such an important role.

The Arctic as a whole is essential, and let us not forget that Greenland is part of Denmark, and Denmark is a NATO partner,

and those who Look at NATO responsibility plans provided by SACR will realize that Denmark is part of Greenland is part of that responsibility area of NATO and has to be protected and secured. We're securing the routes. We are present.

I traveled there and I will go there again, and last time I traveled there with my Norwegian colleague Torre Sandvik,

and Germany is intensifying its efforts in the region, stepping up efforts and.

Some examples port call of our combat support ship Berlin in summer 25 to Nuuk, then the participation of our special forces in the Danish exercise Arctic Light in last autumn,

and the participation of our navy in the missile firing exercise close to Andorra, Norway,

and In the near future we will be present on the ground with our submarines and our P-8 Poseidon aircraft.

Kaya and myself agree that the security in the North Atlantic can only be achieved multilaterally and jointly.

It is a NATO mission of NATO allies to protect and secure.

This area and we will have more further talks with our closest allies within NATO.

One thing is for sure,

we stand firmly behind the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Kingdom of Denmark,

including Greenland.

Open matters are settled amicably and, according to international law,

assuming joint responsibility for the security of the North Atlantic. Thank you so much. Boris, thank you for your warm welcome.

It's always good to be here in Berlin.

I want to start by thanking Germany for its crucial leadership in European defense.

No other country in Europe spends more on defense, and few contribute as broadly.

In Lithuania, you are a powerful backbone of NATO's presence in the air.

German jets protect European skies, and at sea,

your navy safeguards vital sea lanes and critical undersea infrastructure.

Germany is also the biggest provider of military support to Ukraine.

At that critical moment, this matters more than ever.

There is now an intense diplomatic push for peace.

President Trump is not alone to detest war. Ukrainians do. We all do.

But as we see time and again, this push remains totally one-sided.

Every week, Russian bombs plunge Ukrainian cities into darkness.

Destruction and death are Russia's answer to diplomacy.

The bitter reality is that this war might carry on for a long time unless we collectively put more pressure on Russia to stop it.

Eur Europe's policy is consistent in supporting Ukraine and raising the costs for Russia.

On the EU side, we will loan €90 billion to Ukraine to fund state functions and defense for the next two years.

We are also advancing the 20th sanctions package and aim to finalize it next month.

Putin will only take negotiations seriously if we make him. Today we also spoke about European defense.

We know that Russia's ambitions go beyond Ukraine.

To keep our countries and people safe, Europe must further improve its defense readiness.

Here Germany also plays a key role as the leader.

For 5 priority capability areas, and I want to thank Minister Pistorius for this.

Boosting European defense readiness is not about duplicating what NATO does,

but it's about making Europe stronger within NATO.

I also want to touch on the state of transatlantic relations,

which has been much of a subject recently.

The United States is an indispensable ally,

but it's also clear that our relations are not as good as they used to be.

In every alliance there are moments of open disagreement, but Europe will not junk 80 years of transatlantic relations.

From Gaza to the fight against ISIS to China's coercive economic practices,

Europe and the US are stronger when we act together. Finally, a few words on Iran.

The courage of the Iranian people is humbling.

The regime has a track record of brutally suppressing protests,

and no one knows what the next days will bring.

The heavy-handed and brutal response by the security forces is unacceptable and exposes a regime afraid of its own people.

The EU already has sweeping sanctions in place on Iran.

On those responsible for the human rights abuses, nuclear proliferation,

and Tehran's support for Russia's war, and we are discussing putting additional sanctions.

Dear Boris, thank you for everything that Germany does to strengthen European security in uncertain times.

We know that we can count on you. Thank you. Thank you very much.

This leaves some time for question Martin Hoffmann DPA. Minister, you mentioned Greenland and Arctic security.

Should there be a common mission of the alliance to strengthen Arctic security,

and what could Germany's contribution be?

Chancellor Merk said that it could be days or weeks till the regime in Tehran collapses. Would you agree?

Let me start with your question about the options of a mission in Greenland.

In the NATO context,

we are currently discussing which measures could make sense and what is needed. Looking at the size of Greenland.

And the rather sparse population of 55,000 inhabitants, 20 to 30, 25 to 30,000 in Nuuk,

this alone shows that we're not talking about a normal ordinary region,

so you can't really achieve full protection with a troop presence.

So what we're doing, what we can do there is patrol of air, of sea, of underwater.

We need surveillance and we need regular training or exercising.

It is not just in the American interest that Greenland and the Arctic remain safe,

but it is in the interest of NATO and Europe as a whole.

The North Atlantic route is absolutely essential for the transfer of goods between the US and the EU and for our relations.

So while we are discussing this, Germany is involved in this.

Discussions and we are closely coordinating with Denmark right now.

It would be too early to say what exactly is going to happen, but of course we have been present in the region for years. I visited Iceland.

For example,

and all these initiatives really show that we have recognized how relevant the Arctic is and how its role has been growing over the last 10 to 20 years.

Nobody knows what the coming days and weeks will bring.

It might go so like the Assad regime fell, so it was a surprise for everybody.

Or you know, very often these regimes are very, very resilient. So actually we don't know.

What we continue to do is that we support.

Civil society and we are also putting more sanctions on the ones who are using the violence against the peaceful protesters to show that we are condemning these actions,

but eventually it has to be the Iranian people who then take the decisions. Danka's political.

Presentative, some analysts are speculating that the US administration could seek to condition its continued support for Ukraine or for the for the support and security guarantees in Europe on concessions and other strategic areas,

including its demands to own Greenland, as the US president puts it.

Do you see any risk of Ukraine support becoming a bargaining chip in negotiations over Greenland and or broader security guarantees over Europe and how worried?

Argue about that possibility, and if I may, Minister Pistorius,

the Commission's Defense Readiness 2030 plan foresees several flagship projects including the,

drone defense initiative and the so-called Eastern flank shield.

German parliamentary briefings, however, suggest that there is still need for clarification among member states with those.

From your perspective, what exactly still needs to be clarified and does that,

in any way affect Germany's willingness to fully commit to those projects? Thank you.

So on Ukraine, of course we are discussing the security guarantees and like we have been discussing in the coalition of the willing is that these security guarantees really have to be tangible,

how it works in practice, and that they are not withdrawn.

Of course we can't speak on behalf of the US administration, what decisions they are making.

What I want to stress here is Right now the majority of the support to Ukraine is coming from Europe and also European countries have been discussing what are the security guarantees provided to Ukraine,

but we haven't heard that they are made conditional.

One condition there was was that if there is an attack on Russia, but then We were just discussing before,

the history is full of cases where Russians have instigated an attack showing that it was the Ukrainians or Finnish or whatever in the history.

You can find a lot of cases like that.

That's why it has to be very clear that if we give security guarantees,

whether it's Americans or Europeans, that these are not just on paper but they are tangible.

We are committed to those projects and the idea within it and the objectives,

but at the same time we need to make clear that air defense is a matter of national sovereignty.

And because of that we can and we should try to organize and achieve a better procurement for all the materials and technologies to really build up a drone or whatever,

but it is a national decision and a decision of NATO, but not a decision of the European Union.

But we need the European Union, at least we should use them. Allow me to say that.

To have a better system of procurement, better structures for that. Mr.

Minister, Minister, on Greenland, the UK proposed,

something like a century.

So a shared surveillance mission,

is that what you were what you were just talking about and how soon could this kind of thing be implemented and Ms.

Kallas on a possible securing of peace, a ceasefire in Ukraine,

what is the Commission discussing and what's your coordinating role?

Arctic century is just one idea, but it would need a NATO framework,

and that will not, we won't have that within the next 4 weeks or 3 months.

Maybe it will be faster or not, but we will see who will participate.

We believe that within the small group that has come together and is discussing with Denmark that we will need more messaging,

coordinating with the US, by the way, at all times,

we don't want to do anything without the US or against their will.

But we want to make very clear that we are aware and not just now since we've discussed in Greenland, we've been considering Greenland as part of NATO and the protection of Greenland as a task,

a responsibility of NATO and the allies,

and to do that we will have exercises, deployments, port visits, surveillance flights.

Always coordinating with or cooperating with the US forces. Thank you.

The problem is that we don't have a ceasefire right now.

There's nothing to monitor, but in the coalition of the willing,

of course we are preparing also on the European side what we can bring to the table.

We already have the military mission training Ukrainian soldiers,

and we can extend that mandate to do the training on Ukrainian soil. We also have the civilian mission.

To help Ukraine and to reform their defense forces and help with the capacity building,

but again coming to the beginning of my answer is that the problem is right now that there is no ceasefire and unfortunately not ceasefire in sight as well because Russia clearly doesn't want peace. Thank you.

Robbins, the same question for both of you actually.

First of all, on Iran, Chancellor Merk says that the regime is in its final days. How confident are you if that's true?

That what comes next will actually be better, and also on Greenland, er,

Donald Trump seems fairly set on his ambitions when it comes to Greenland at the moment.

How far is Europe prepared to go to prevent the US from taking it over? Thank you.

On, on Iran, yes, history is also full of, of examples where, there has been,

you know, toppling of the regimes, but the question is what comes, comes after.

Right now, like I said, it's not clear whether the regime is going to fall or not.

It's, it's clear that the protests are massive. It's also clear that the regime is.

Brutally suppressing and killing people to really incite fear in the societies,

and this is how the regimes operate.

But in order to fall,

I think in the history you have examples that you need really from inside the alternatives to have a functioning.

But like I said,

that's why we are supporting the civilian society as much as we can on our side.

And what will we do regarding those ambitions like you mentioned regarding Greenland.

I think it's not right to discuss this in the media. We have those discussions.

Also, what are the tools in our hands,

and we have the discussions with the member states, including Denmark.

What is the situation, but definitely we are not preparing in public.

The least we can say is that it would be a real unprecedented situation in the history of NATO and in the history of any defense alliance in the world,

so.

We are, we are preparing, we are discussing, and we discuss the alternatives and the different options,

but nothing in public and with regard to Iran.

Basically I don't have anything to add to what Kaya said, but at least we can say if my information are correct,

the Iranian people doesn't doesn't want regime change forced by external powers because each of us know quite well that that always might be the cause of the next problems afterwards.

So whether it happens or not, the Iranian people do obviously not want a regime change from the outside,

but it's not up to us. Thank you.

We have a follow-up meetings, so we have to conclude it here. Thank you. Yeah I, I didn't want to